A cinematic scene of African American founders and visionaries of Black Wall Street engaged in a strategic planning meeting in a Tulsa office, circa 1920, reviewing maps of the Greenwood District under the light of a desk lamp.

This article introduces the founders and visionaries who transformed Tulsa’s Greenwood District into Black Wall Street—a thriving hub of Black enterprise in the early 20th century.

By 1920, Greenwood covered more than 35 busy blocks near Greenwood Avenue and Archer Street. The area supported doctors, lawyers, hotels, theaters, a hospital, a Y.M.C.A., a roller rink, and a post office substation.

The local economy was dense: dollars reportedly circulated nearly 30 times within the neighborhood. Entrepreneurs such as O.W. Gurley and J.B. Stradford organized capital, purchased land, and funded businesses that anchored daily life.

The story that follows balances celebration of growth with an unflinching account of the 1921 destruction that reshaped the city and displaced thousands.

Table of Contents

Key Takeaways

  • Greenwood became a concentrated hub of professionals, shops, and institutions by 1920.
  • Local leaders pooled resources to create an economy where money cycled rapidly.
  • O.W. Gurley and J.B. Stradford played central roles in land, finance, and civic life.
  • The 1921 attack destroyed over 35 blocks and displaced most of 10,000 residents.
  • The neighborhood’s rise and loss highlight both community agency and systemic violence.

The Greenwood District: Origins and the Rise of Black Wall Street

The Greenwood District emerged from deliberate land claims and strategic planning following the late 19th-century Oklahoma openings. Black entrepreneurs acquired lots north of the Frisco tracks, designing a vibrant corridor of homes and businesses that served upwardly mobile residents.

From Land Rush to Greenwood Avenue

In 1905–06, O.W. Gurley laid the foundation for Greenwood’s growth. He opened a grocery store, subdivided land, and promoted Greenwood Avenue as the spine of a self-sufficient Black community.

Segregation and the Rise of a Parallel Economy

Legal and social segregation barred Black residents from white-owned firms. In response, Greenwood developed its own banking, retail, and professional services. Money circulated repeatedly within the district, strengthening local ownership and economic resilience.

Education, Faith, and Community Institutions

Institutions anchored Greenwood’s daily life. Mt. Zion Baptist Church (1909) and Booker T. Washington High School embodied high expectations. Teachers earned competitive pay, classrooms featured Steinway pianos, and principal E.W. Woods lived in a six-room townhouse—symbolizing the district’s commitment to excellence.

Year

Institution

Role

1905–06

Private Lots Along Greenwood Avenue

Residential and commercial platting

1909

Mt. Zion Baptist Church

Religious and civic anchor

Early 1900s

Booker T. Washington High School

Advanced curriculum, high-paid faculty

Greenwood’s rise illustrates how place-making, education, and trade can forge lasting economic strength—even in the face of systemic exclusion.

O.W. Gurley: Founder of Black Wall Street and Architect of Greenwood

O.W. Gurley arrived in Tulsa with a clear vision: to transform raw acreage into a thriving Black neighborhood. After participating in the 1893 Cherokee Outlet land run, he returned in 1905–06 to purchase large tracts north of the Frisco tracks. Gurley’s land strategy mapped parcels into buildable lots, laying the groundwork for what would become the Greenwood District.

Mapping Greenwood for Black Prosperity

Gurley’s real estate plan converted open land into a street grid of homes and businesses. He subdivided property and promoted Greenwood Avenue as the commercial spine of a self-sufficient Black community.

Grocery, Lodging, and the Gurley Hotel

Gurley opened a grocery store on Greenwood Avenue to meet daily needs and attract other entrepreneurs. He built the Gurley Hotel, owned apartments and townhouses, operated an employment agency, and helped establish a Masonic Lodge—creating infrastructure for upward mobility.

Trade Unions and Business Development

By 1910, local bricklayers formed Hod Carriers Local 199, accelerating construction across the district. Gurley’s layered investments in lodging, retail, and services generated steady demand and job pathways for Black workers and business owners.

The result was a durable marketplace—shaped by Gurley’s land vision and sustained by the entrepreneurs who followed. Greenwood’s rise was no accident; it was built on strategy, ownership, and community-centered leadership.

 

Read economic lessons that track how land assembly and small-business networks sustained growth.

J.B. Stradford: Legal Pioneer and Builder of Black Wall Street

Educated at Oberlin and Indiana Law School, J.B. Stradford turned legal skill into a business strategy in early Tulsa. He arrived in 1899, first developing rental units before taking on a larger hospitality project that reshaped local commerce.

A symbolic groundbreaking ceremony for a new building in Tulsa's historic Greenwood District, circa 1920, showing well-dressed African American founders turning soil with shovels, representing the hope and prosperity of Black Wall Street.

 

The Stradford Hotel: Black Luxury in Greenwood

The Stradford Hotel at 301 N. Greenwood was the largest Black-owned hotel in the United States. With 54 suites, a dining room, saloon, pool hall, and gambling hall, it rivaled the finest accommodations in white Tulsa.

Valued at approximately $75,000—equivalent to $2.5 million today—the hotel served both travelers and local residents, symbolizing Black prosperity in the heart of the Greenwood District.

Legal Strategy and Economic Leadership

J.B. Stradford applied his legal training to structure real estate deals, secure property titles, and attract investors. His entrepreneurial vision expanded Greenwood’s hospitality sector and elevated business standards across Black Wall Street.

The hotel anchored nearby commerce, drawing foot traffic to shops, offices, and service providers. As a flagship enterprise, it supported local suppliers, trade unions, and professional practices—creating a ripple effect of economic opportunity.

Stradford’s project proved that Black Wall Street was not just aspirational—it was operational, resilient, and rooted in strategic ownership.

 

John and Loula Williams: Dreamland Theater and Greenwood’s Black Business Legacy

John and Loula Williams turned a small confectionary into a cultural magnet that reshaped nightly life in the district. Their Dreamland Theater became a destination for films, live acts, and community gatherings.

A wide, bustling view of a prosperous Greenwood Avenue in Tulsa's historic Black Wall Street district, circa 1921, showcasing thriving African American-owned businesses, well-dressed patrons, and vintage automobiles under sunny skies.

Confectionery, Theater, and Rooming Houses

John and Loula Williams began with a confectionery that drew steady foot traffic to nearby Greenwood shops. They later financed the Dreamland Theater, offering films and live performances that energized the district’s cultural life.

To support traveling performers and workers, the Williamses operated a rooming house—linking hospitality to entertainment and keeping dollars circulating within the Greenwood economy.

Family Enterprise and Community Employment

The Williams family treated business as civic duty. Their enterprises created jobs, mentored young people, and reinvested profits into shop repairs, local events, and neighborhood infrastructure. Their work exemplified Greenwood’s spirit of self-sufficiency, cultural pride, and economic resilience.

“Dreamland made people proud to come out in the evening.”

Their model showed how adaptive businesses—concessions, venues, and lodging—built resilience. For more on local economic strategies that supported such ventures, see a detailed account in this economic profile.

A.J. Smitherman and the Tulsa Star: Journalism, Justice, and the Fight for Greenwood

The Tulsa Star became a civic bulwark, chronicling threats while promoting local commerce. A.J. Smitherman built one of two African American newspapers that served the district with reporting, analysis, and moral urgency.

An African American architect and visionary in the Greenwood District, circa 1920, meticulously reviews detailed blueprints for a new building, symbolizing the planning and design behind Black Wall Street's expansion.

The paper informed residents about lynchings across Oklahoma during an era of Jim Crow segregation. When city institutions failed, the Star documented abuses and urged collective action.

The newsroom also strengthened businesses. Advertising, event notices, and storefront profiles helped merchants recruit staff and attract customers across neighborhood lines.

  • Advocacy: The Star pressed for civil rights and local safety.
  • Information: It gave residents timely warnings about threats.
  • Confidence: Reliable coverage supported commerce and civic planning.

Historian Hannibal B. Johnson frames Greenwood’s economy as born of necessity after exclusion from the white market. That view clarifies how press and profit mixed to protect community life then and shape memory today. For deeper legal context, see a legal analysis of racial violence.

Simon Berry’s Greenwood Legacy: Buses, Air Charters, and Economic Mobility

Simon Berry turned transit into a business that stitched Greenwood to downtown Tulsa.

An extreme close-up of a symbolic handshake between two African American business partners in the Greenwood District, circa 1921, showcasing an elegant gloved hand and a tailored suit cuff, representing the partnerships that built Black Wall Street.

He ran Model T Fords and buses on set routes along Greenwood Avenue. Those lines carried residents to jobs, shops, and hotels in the wider city. Reliable schedules cut commute friction and boosted foot traffic for small businesses.

Berry’s services let people move quickly between commerce nodes. That flow raised demand for restaurants, venues, and retail. The link between transit and trade made him one of the era’s key entrepreneurs.

“His buses made Greenwood a hub that reached beyond its blocks.”

Service Vehicle Impact
Local Routes Model T Fords Daily commutes for workers
Scheduled Buses Motor Coach Expanded customer reach for shops
Air Charters Private Planes Connected wealthy clients to regional deals

By adding early air charters for oilmen, Berry tied neighborhood capital to regional markets. For a focused account, see this Simon Berry profile.

B.C. Franklin: Legal Architect of Greenwood’s Rebuilding After the Tulsa Race Massacre

May 31–June 1, 1921 marked a catastrophic assault that turned thriving commerce and homes into smoldering ruins. More than 35 square blocks were razed, roughly 1,000 houses burned, and an estimated 200–300 residents were killed. Survivors were held in National Guard internment centers as the city smoldered.

A symbolic cinematic scene in the Greenwood District, circa 1921, depicting an older African American business owner passing a ledger to a younger protege, representing the legacy and intergenerational mentorship that sustained Black Wall Street.

Legal work after the violence became essential to restoring the neighborhood’s civic life. Attorney B.C. Franklin, who had only recently arrived, challenged municipal ordinances that aimed to prevent rebuilding. To hear firsthand accounts of survival, resilience, and rebuilding, explore our collection of Personal Stories from the Survivors of Black Wall Street

Legal Challenges To Discriminatory Ordinances

Franklin’s courtroom strategy dismantled rules that would have blocked permits, insurance recovery, and financing. Those rulings reopened channels for claims on destroyed buildings and for approval of new construction.

  • The legal wins helped residents recover insurance and obtain permits for rebuilding houses and commercial blocks.
  • They restored the community’s ability to secure loans and restart businesses along familiar corridors similar to wall street-like hubs.
  • By defending property rights, legal advocacy became a form of community defense that enabled gradual economic renewal.

“Court decisions after 1921 reaffirmed the right to rebuild and reclaim space for daily life.”

For more on Franklin’s life and legal legacy, see a B.C. Franklin profile. For context on rebuilding commercial life, consult this piece on building businesses then and now.

Black Wall Street Founders: The Visionaries Who Built Tulsa’s Greenwood District

 

A dense mix of hotels, shops, and professional offices made Tulsa’s Greenwood District a regional model of Black economic self-reliance. Its commercial corridor became a blueprint for community wealth, ownership, and civic pride.

Key Businesses and Professional Services in Greenwood

Greenwood Avenue served as the district’s economic spine, uniting banks, medical practices, legal offices, theaters, and lodging. These Black-owned enterprises kept earnings circulating locally and created reliable jobs for African American families across Tulsa.

Booker T. Washington’s Recognition and National Influence

Booker T. Washington famously called Greenwood “Negro Wall Street,” praising its concentration of Black-owned businesses and institutions. His recognition elevated the district’s national profile and affirmed its role as a symbol of Black prosperity and self-determination.

Schools, Families, and Generational Wealth

Booker T. Washington High School set high academic standards. Teachers earned competitive salaries, and principal E.W. Woods lived in a six-room townhouse that reflected the school’s prestige and community investment.

The school-to-career pipeline helped students gain admission to top universities and enter Tulsa’s growing Black professional class. Over generations, this educational foundation supported household stability, mentorship, and reinvestment—fueling Greenwood’s legacy of resilience and upward mobility.

  • Schools and schools-linked jobs: prepared youth for professions.
  • Businesses: anchored family incomes and local credit flows.
  • Community institutions: reinforced civic trust and long-term planning.

 

Final Thoughts: Greenwood’s Legacy of Vision, Resilience, and Rebuilding

Greenwood’s rise was no accident—it was the result of strategic land ownership, disciplined business practices, and strong civic institutions. Black entrepreneurs transformed purchased acreage into hotels, grocery stores, rooming houses, theaters, and professional offices that kept wealth circulating within the community.

The 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre destroyed more than 35 blocks and erased an estimated $2 million in property value—equivalent to over $50 million today. Yet legal action by B.C. Franklin reopened pathways to rebuild homes, businesses, and civic infrastructure, even as leaders like O.W. Gurley and J.B. Stradford suffered devastating losses.

Educators, a rigorous high school pipeline, family enterprises like those led by Loula Williams, and transit systems sustained daily life and cultivated generational talent. Greenwood’s legacy endures not only in memory but in the continued fight for recognition, justice, and reparative action.

For a deeper look at federal findings and historical accountability, see the Justice Department’s Report on the Tulsa Race Massacre: Acknowledging the Past, Building the Future.

Related Articles: Founders and Visionaries of Black Wall Street

Historical Resources and Archival References

FAQ

What factors led to the rise of the Greenwood district as a prosperous African American business community?

A combination of land availability after the Oklahoma Land Rush, deliberate real estate purchases by leaders like O.W. Gurley, and segregation that forced residents to build self-sufficient institutions created conditions for economic growth. Churches, schools, and local banks reinforced entrepreneurship, while a dense corridor of shops and hotels on Greenwood Avenue concentrated wealth and services for residents.

How did O.W. Gurley shape the neighborhood’s physical and economic landscape?

Gurley acquired multiple parcels and plotted lots aimed at upwardly mobile families and professionals. He established rooming houses, grocery outlets, and the Gurley Hotel portfolio to attract business owners and visitors. His real estate strategy encouraged clustered commercial development, which helped create the district’s core trade corridors and promoted generational property ownership.

In what ways did J.B. Stradford influence hospitality and legal leadership in the area?

Stradford built a luxury hotel that rivaled white establishments in Tulsa, offering fine lodging and event space. As an entrepreneur with legal acumen, he provided financial leadership, defended property rights, and encouraged professional standards. His hotel became a symbol of economic parity and drew traveling professionals, boosting local commerce.

What role did John and Loula Williams play in community employment and entertainment?

The Williams family developed enterprises such as a confectionary, rooming houses, and the Dreamland Theater. These ventures provided jobs, entertainment, and civic gathering spaces. Their combined investments supported service-sector employment and helped circulate income within the community.

How did A.J. Smitherman and the Tulsa Star serve as tools for advocacy?

Smitherman used the Tulsa Star to report local news, expose injustices, and mobilize civic response. The paper promoted business, encouraged voter engagement, and functioned as a watchdog against discriminatory practices. It strengthened communal bonds and provided a platform for legal and political strategies.

What transportation innovations did Simon Berry introduce to support commerce?

Berry organized transportation networks, including bus services and early air charters, to connect residents and entrepreneurs with regional markets. Improved mobility enabled trade, brought customers to Greenwood businesses, and helped link the district to broader economic opportunities.

How did B.C. Franklin contribute to rebuilding and legal redress after the 1921 attacks?

Franklin worked as an attorney and civic leader to challenge discriminatory ordinances and represent victims’ interests. He assisted in legal efforts to restore property rights and advocated for resources during reconstruction. His leadership helped steer the community through complex litigation and recovery planning.

Which types of businesses and professional services defined the corridor’s economy before 1921?

The commercial mix included hotels, barbershops, banks, grocery stores, theaters, medical and dental practices, insurance agencies, and tailor shops. These enterprises provided essential goods and services and created a localized ecosystem that sustained families, supported schools, and generated intergenerational wealth.

How did educators and institutions affect long-term community resilience?

Schools and churches offered education, vocational training, and social support. Educators prepared students for trades and professions, while community halls hosted meetings that coordinated mutual aid. These institutions preserved cultural capital and promoted social mobility across generations.

What was Booker T. Washington’s connection to the district and its entrepreneurs?

Booker T. Washington praised self-help and vocational education, ideas that resonated with local leaders who emphasized property ownership and business development. His national influence validated the district’s model of economic self-reliance and inspired investment in training and enterprise.

How did segregation both limit and compel the district’s economic strategies?

Segregation barred access to many markets and services, forcing residents to create parallel institutions. That constraint led to deliberate economic planning: concentrating businesses along key avenues, developing elite hotels and theaters, and establishing financial firms. While segregation restricted mobility, it also cultivated a tight-knit economy with high internal circulation of capital.

What legacy do these entrepreneurs and institutions leave for contemporary residents and scholars?

Their legacy includes models of community-led development, property-based wealth-building, and institution-building under adverse conditions. Today’s residents and historians study surviving buildings, family records, and oral histories to understand how entrepreneurship, education, and legal advocacy shaped long-term outcomes for families and the city.